Der Meidlinger Markt hat sich in den letzten Jahren umfassend gewandelt. Das URBANIZM Feature, verfasst von Studierenden der Studienrichtung Raumplanung an der TU Wien, gibt Einblicke in verschiedene Dimensionen des Wandels. Wie werden die Veränderungen wahrgenommen? Wer sind die neuen „Standler“? Wer geht heute am Markt einkaufen? Und wie wird die Arbeit der Gebietsbetreuung am Markt wahrgenommen? Mit Video!
Wenige Leute würden bestreiten, dass sich die Wiener Märkte in den letzten Jahren stark gewandelt haben. Der Naschmarkt ist ein treffendes Beispiel: mehr denn je strömen heute Touristen und Spazierende die Stände neben dem Karlsplatz entlang und genießen den marktlichen Flair in der Wiener Innenstadt. Kommt man hier um die Mittagszeit vorbei, fühlt man sich schnell an einen hippen Londoner Straßenmarkt versetzt. Da tummeln sich Studierende, Angestellte in ihrer Mittagspause und Geschäftsleute mit solchen, die einfach nur ein bisschen über den Markt schlendern. Während es am Nachmittag wieder etwas ruhiger wird, füllt es sich spätestens am frühen Abend wieder, wenn die Lokale am Markt zu einem beliebten Treffpunkt für einen ‚after-hour‘ Drink werden.
Immobilienpreise und der lokale Bodenmarkt sind ein anderer Indikator des Wandels: Für die Übernahme von Ständen werden heute laut einer kürzlichen Standard-Reportage teils astronomische Summen von bis zu 250.000€ gezahlt – ein Indiz zu was für einem lukrativen Geschäft der Naschmarkt in den letzten Jahren geworden ist. Traditionelle Obst- und Gemüsestände können sich diese Summen allerdings selten leisten. Viele von ihnen haben in den letzten Jahren geschlossen. Stattdessen ist die Zahl an Gastronomie-, Bar- und Restaurantbetrieben rasant gestiegen – eine Entwicklung die nicht allen gefällt, wie etwa die Initiative ‚Rettet den Naschmarkt‘ verdeutlicht.
Der Naschmarkt ist nur einer von vielen Wiener Märkten im Wandel. Der Meidlinger Markt ist ein anderer. Gelegen im Herzen des traditionellen Arbeiterbezirks Wien 12 hat auch er seit Anfang der 2000er umfassende Veränderungen durchlebt. Wie auch am Naschmarkt haben hier eine Reihe an Obst- und Gemüsestände geschlossen, während neue, „trendige“ Stände geöffnet haben – viele davon im Gastronomiebereich. Gleichzeitig hat sich die lokale Gebietsbetreuung dem Markt zunehmend gewidmet, während auch eine neu geformte Bürgerinitiative „Wir sind 12“ zur Belebung des Markts ihre Arbeit aufgenommen hat. Unterdessen hat ein bekannter Wiener Immobilienentwickler eine Reihe an Marktständen gekauft.
Die folgende Serie an Artikeln, verfasst von Studierenden der Studienrichtung Raumplanung an der TU Wien, nimmt den Wandel des Meidlinger Markts genauer unter die Lupe. Die vier Artikel widmen sich dabei unterschiedlichen Dimensionen der Veränderung. Den Auftakt macht ein Video-Beitrag über die Wahrnehmung des Wandels am Markt und wie dieser von Händlern und Käufern eingeschätzt wird. Der zweite Beitrag widmet sich den neuen „Standlern“ und recherchiert, um wen es sich dabei eigentlich genau handelt. Beitrag drei analysiert die KonsumentInnenstruktur und fragt, wer eigentlich am Meidlinger Markt heute shoppen geht. Den Abschluss macht ein Beitrag über die Arbeit der Gebietsbetreuung, und wie sie von den StandbetreiberInnen wahrgenommen wird. Zusammen geben die vier Beiträge spannende Einblicke in die Transformation des Meidlinger Markts. Gleichzeitig zeigen sie auch die Komplexität und Vielschichtigkeit der Veränderungen auf, die in vielerlei Hinsicht nur ungenügend mit dem relativ simplen Satz „früher gab es traditionelle Obst- und Gemüsestände, heute gibt es Gastronomiebetriebe“ zusammengefasst werden können.
Da die Lehrveranstaltung in englischer Sprache abgehalten wurde sind auch die Artikel auf Englisch.
Justin Kadi / Mara Verlic
Is everything completely different, but all the same?
by Jenny Dannell, Viktoria Forstinger, Sarah Nimmervoll, Pia Plankensteiner
The Meidlinger market has recently received considerable media attention. According to the news, the market has undergone profound changes over the last years. New vendors have started their businesses, offering new products and thereby supposedly attracting the attention of new, mostly young customers. This development has – according to the newspapers – positively affected the market.
„The young, urban guests are slowly starting to mingle with the aged onlookers“ (Kurier, 2012)
“The restaurant Milchbart carried along the whole market.” (Die Presse, 2014)
“Chvosta [Milchbart owner] did more for the neighborhood with the Milchbart than he originally anticipated. Despite the skepticism he received from the other stall owners while he did the alterations. The Milchbart gives the market a new and positive Identity.“ (Falter, 2014)
“The Meidlinger Markt today is like a diamond that doesn’t want to be cut. Not all that long ago the market stalls could have been abraded, but that fate was fortunately averted.” (kekinwien.at, 2014)
“The market isn’t just a culinary backdrop for fancy restaurants, like it usually appears at other Viennese markets.” (Falter, 2014)
But are these statements in line with the perception of the people that actually shop and sell at the market? This project, with a video as its end-product, aimed at investigating how the people of the “Meidlinger Markt” have experienced the ostensible change over the past few years that the newspapers report about.
In order to gain the required information, 26 qualitative interviews were performed with people, mainly regular customers and vendors, at the market. Market visitors and vendors of different backgrounds and various age were interviewed to get a good overview of the general perception of the supposedly positive on-going change at the market.
The following video tries to collectively visualize these perceptions. The interviewees share their experiences of the market’s change from an allegedly “traditional market” with a larger supply of groceries to the current mix of grocery stores, cafés and restaurants. The perception differs among the interviewees depending on age and the time they have been knowing and visiting the market. Accordings to the interviews, some of them are missing things that used to be available and are thereby being sceptical of a positive on-going or future transformation. Others, in turn, perceived the history of the Market quite differently, actually observing a positive up-swing.
http://kurier.at/karrieren/weiterbildung/milchbart-am-markt/792.616 abgerufen am 26.06.2015
http://www.falter.at/falter/2014/03/11/die-welt/ abgerufen am 26.06.2015
http://www.kekinwien.at/essen/06/2014/auf-dem-markt-im-juni-der-meidlinger-markt/ abgerufen am 26.06.2015
Who are the new sellers at the Meidlinger Market?
by Ajeta Murat, Isabel Zelger. Linda Maiocchi, Valeria Migsch
The Meidlinger Market has recently been affected by significant changes in its structure and its social dynamics. It all started five to six years ago, when new sellers came into the market and started playing a major role in its day-to-day business. Before this, Meidlinger Market had suffered from a decline in stands and customers and has been quieter than it had used to be. Now it is transforming. Little is known so far, however, about the concrete form of these transformations, besides the fact that new sellers have become active on the market. But who are the newcomers? How do they perceive the market? And are they a coherent group?
The following video aims to shed first light at these questions. Guided interviews were conducted with six newcomers who answered a set of questions relating to their personal experience. Using qualitative content analysis a list of categories was built to describe the newcomers more thoroughly. The analysis showed that they are mainly between 25 and 35years old, received a higher education, seek for independence, and decided to take a risk in starting a new businessat the market.
This raised the question whether this profile might be associated with a specific urban development theory. As it turned out, their characteristics resemble what J. Dangschat referred to as pioneers in the process of gentrification. Gentrification describes a process of housing market and social upgrading, whereby upper and middle class people move into a neighbourhood. As a result, this neighbourhoood receives a substantial upgrade. But not everybody benefits from this upgrade, because low income residents might be displaced by incoming households.
According to Dangschat’s theory pioneers are a narrowly defined group who are the first in this process to settle down. They share certain characteristics in terms of age, income, education and family status and are generally described as risk-oblivious. While the group of newcomers that were interviewed did meet some criteria, they didn’t fit Dangschat’s profile entirely. One thing both the pioneers in theory and the newcomers share is their lifestyle and open mindedness about new challenges. But while the pioneers in the process of gentrification are specifically defined as the first group to settle down, the newcomers are only a new group of market sellers and do not necessarily embody new residents.
Also, gentrification is not to be seen as a process solely determined by the appearance of some sorts of pioneers. Instead, it is a complex process that is rooted in the development of the local housing market and related patterns of investment and residential upgrading, besides a changing population structure in a neighborhood. As a result, the sole detection of a group of pioneers is insufficient to identify a gentrification process.
As a conclusion it can only be said that the newcomers did definitely attract some attention from the district and from the city alike,and parts of the market have been revitalized. But will this process affect the market as a whole? And might the process of revitalization bethe beginning of a process of gentrification? Whatever it will be, it remains yet to be seen. Because, as the newcomers put it, the market is changing and more change is bound to happen.
Who goes shopping at the Meidlinger Market?
by Celik, Tolga; Höbausz, Andreas; Linke, Marvin; Nilsson, Nikola
The “Meidlinger Markt” is changing. This post approaches the changes from a gentrification perspective.
Gentrification is a process of upgrading and displacement, which was first acknowledged by the British sociologist Ruth Glass (1964). She based her concept on observations in former working-class neighbourhoods in East London. Gentrification is related to changes in the housing and commercial structure in a quarter, accompanied by an increase in middle-class households and the displacement of working-class households. In that, research on gentrification focuses on two main themes: the residential market and the mobility of households. The first topic is based on the work of Smith (1979) and focuses on investment patterns, the real estate market and land use patterns. The second focuses on household mobility questions. Where are certain groups moving and what are their reasons to do so?. Are poor households forced to leave a neighbourhood involuntarily (see Newman, Elvin 2006)?
Approach and methods
Our research looked at the “Meidlinger Markt” through those lenses, focusing particularly on the consumer structure on the market and the question who visits the market for shopping purposes. To do so” we conducted a quantitative research in form of structured interviews. The interview consisted of six questions covering topics such as socio-demographic profile of a consumer, consumption patterns and behaviour at the market. The interviews were conducted in three stages, so we could interview people at the market at different days. At the end we got a total of 150 people who answered our questionnaire.
How old are the consumers?
The collected date enables us to get insight into the current consumer structure. First we will take a look at the age groups. As chart (1) shows, most of the customers are older than 60 years. At the same time, the group below 40 is the smallest. Compared to the age structure of the consumer structure in Meidling as a whole as well as all inhabitants of the district the consumer structure of the market is decisively older (chart 2&3), with the group above 60 making up a proportionately larger share on the market compared to the other two groups.
For how long have they been shopping at the market already?
As chart (5) shows, the share of people who took their first visit to the market within the last five years makes up almost a quarter of all customers. Interestingly, as chart (6) shows, most of them are at least middle-aged (>40). Also remarkable. those new customers are not coming regularly to the market (see chart 7). This might have different reasons like not finding their preferred products or not yet being able to build up a relationship to the market such as the long-term consumers have (compare to chart 8).
Where do they live?
About 70% of all interviewed people were living in the 12th district, suggesting that the market is mainly a local supplier. This is confirmed by the relatively short distance and traveling time of customers to the market (see chart 9). At the same time, the data also show that the market is not only reaching people in the surrounding quarter, but the 12th district as a whole (and a bit beyond). Interestingly, the closer consumers live, the more likely it is that they come shopping more regularly (see chart 10). Also, younger people (<40) are coming more regularly than older ones (>40).
What do they purchase at the market?
Now what do customers buy at the market? As diagram (11) shows, fruits and vegetables were the most mentioned, followed by meat and fish. This extreme difference might be overestimated by the fact, that the days of data collection were nearly all on farmers’ market days. Still, comparing the consumer’s age, we can see a small but mentionable difference in consuming behaviour. Chart (12) shows this by a decrease of relevance of fruits and vegetables in the age groups younger than 60. This indicates that younger generations might seek slightly different products on the market.
This brief analysis allows to create a first, simplified profile of the market visitors. It seems primarily to be a “hotspot” for older consumers living in the surrounding area that do their daily/regular shopping at the market, which they have come to know well. Young people are more rarely visiting, even though new market establishments were already established in recent years to attract this group. There is also indication of distinct consumption patterns when older and younger consumers are compared.
While this analysis sheds initial light on consumption patterns and behaviour at the market, it leaves open the question about changes that might have occurred – or may occur in the future as regards who goes shopping at the market. Nonetheless, the analysis provides a useful basis to further investigate, and do research on, the social mosaic of the Meidlinger market.
Glass, R. 1964. London: Aspects of Change.
Lees, L., Bang Shin, H., Lopez-Morales, E. 2015. Introduction: ‘gentrification’ – a global urban process?: Global Gentrifications: Uneven Development and Displacement. Policy Press: 1-18.
Newman, K., Wyly, E. 2006. The Right to Stay Put, Revisited: Gentrification and Resistance to Displacement in New York City: Urban Stud 2006, 43: 23.
Smith, N. 1979. Toward a Theory of Gentrification. A Back to the City movement by Capital, not People: Journal of the American Planning Association, 45: 4, 538 – 548.
We have to state that the “Milchbart”, a major pull factor for young people, was closed during the surveys, which might bias the results.
The merchants’ perception of the work done by the Gebietsbetreuung
by Ruth Coman, Alexander Hauff, Patrizia Kopp and Simone Viljoen
The „Gebietsbetreuung Stadterneuerung“ (“Local Urban Renewal Offices”, GB*) is a planning institution that views itself as an important partner of the City of Vienna in matters regarding urban renewal and development. Furthermore, it considers itself to be more of an informant and mediator that does not directly influence the environment, in this case the Meidlinger Market. It provides various useful services free of charge, such as giving advice on housing issues, neighbourhood improvement or stimuli for local businesses (Ludwig 2013).
We set out to find out whether and how the work done and the services provided by the Gebietsbetreuung is perceived by the sellers and shop owners (merchants) of the Meidlinger Market.
“How do the merchants (sellers / shop owners) at the Meidlinger Market perceive the work done by the Gebietsbetreuung?”
It is of interest to us, as spatial planning students, to investigate whether the people who work at the market everyday know what the Gebietsbetreuung does and which services they provide and whether the merchants use these to their advantage.
Eight semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted at the Meidlinger Market. These consisted of a set of open ended questions, regarding merchants’ time at the market, their perception of the current status of the market, and whether they received help and support from anyone. We avoided mentioning the GB* at first, to see whether the merchants would mention it themselves. We specifically asked about the GB* if it was not mentioned.
The interviews gave us a more personal approach when determining the impressions and opinions of the merchants, as well as a better understanding of their perception and awareness of the GB* and the Market. Furthermore, interviews also give the interviewee the chance to elaborate on their perspective and the interviewer the chance to question the answers received and to be flexible with further questioning (Sewell, 2008)
Gentrification versus Urban Revival
With the start of urban renewal works, the general perception of the market has become more positive in the 12th district. Once the market’s renovation was over, concerns and questions about possible gentrification processes were raised. As in most cases, gentrification is a process which is much broader than residential rehabilitation. It is a process of profound economic-social-spatial restructuring (Smith / Williams 1986). Gentrification is a concept that explains the negative consequences of renovations and the revival of districts. When put under scrutiny, gentrification and urban revival are essentially seen as the same process, (Ehrenhalt 2015) but with different connotations.
Government policy can make neighbourhoods more attractive through renovation and facilitate urban revival, like in the case of Meidlinger Market, but it cannot create one (Ehrenhalt 2015). As a result the GB* stands as a local impulse on behalf of the administration, informing the residents of the neighbourhood on current and future development. Furthermore it takes measures to revive the local markets.
In regard to how long people have been working at the market, there were two groups of merchants at the market: new merchants (since 2011) and older merchants (since 1992). This “time gap” between the two groups is important and serves as a possible explanation for the perception of the presence or absence of the GB* discussed below. Furthermore, this points to different approaches in the way of handling transformation challenges and changes, competition issues or contact and relatedness to professional advice and information.
Perception and Awareness
The fact that none of the interviewed merchants mentioned the Gebietsbetreuung themselves, shows that there is little awareness of the work done by the GB* in the 12th district. When directly asking about the Gebietsbetreuung once again the difference between the newer and older merchants (time-gap) is evident. “I have no idea what the Gebietsbetreuung is” (Interview 4) or “never heard about it” (Interview 1) were the answers of two older merchants when asked if they have heard about the GB* before. Just 2 of 8 interviewees have had contact with the GB* and these were newer merchants.
Newer merchants at the market who have been present for at least a year viewed the changes in the market as positive and as steadily improving. In contrast, merchants who have been working there for many years viewed the changes very negatively, mentioning fewer customers and a lack of interest in the market.
Furthermore, compared to the older merchants, newer merchants are more aware of the support from organisations like “Wir sind 12 – Verein”, WKÖ (Wirtschaftskammer Österreich, the Economic Chambers of Vienna) and „Marktamt“ (Market Office). They mentioned “summer events organised by ‘Wir sind 12” and information from other merchants who are ready to help” (Interview 3). Moreover the market manager and the Market Office gave some advice (Interview 2, 5 and 7). On the other hand, the older merchants argued that “nothing really helped” (Interview 1) or they were not interested in meetings or professional advice (Interview 4).
Role of information
The GB*’s main aim is to provide people with information. The role of information and knowledge has become very important. Our society is classified as a post-industrial society which is defined by the centrality of knowledge (Bell 1971). The post-industrial society is organised around knowledge for the purpose of directing innovation and change. This is very apparent in our results. The merchants that are on site for a longer period, before the establishment of the GB* are not as aware of the role of knowledge facing competition and challenges of urban revival as the newer merchants. In contrast the newer sellers and owners are interested in gaining professional advice, even if they encounter difficulties, such as language barriers, in obtaining it.
The new generation of merchants know about the Gebietsbetreuung and the work that they do, however they do not use their resources and services widely, as they work together and organise things themselves or join associations such as ‘Wir sind 12’. They are also positive regarding the development of the market – the older merchants are upset by the renovations and they may be at a disadvantage due to potential gentrification processes. However they do admit that although they are experiencing difficult times, it is becoming slightly better. The older generation (or older merchants) also has little or no knowledge of the GB* or the work that they do, which contradicts the GB*s official statement, that they are an informant giving out help to deal with local issues. This lack of awareness may be something the Gebietsbetreuung wants to improve, especially by engaging the older merchants and possibly by intervening and taking on a more active role in the development of the market.
Bell, Daniel. 1971. The Coming of the Post-industrial Society. A venture in Social Forecasting. New York: Basic.
Ehrenhalt, Alan. 2015. What, Exactly, Is Gentrification?http://www.governing.com/topics/urban/gov-gentrification-definition-series.html, 27.05.2015.
GB* Gebietsbetreuung Stadterneuerung: http://www.gbstern.at/home/, 29.5.2015
Gebietsbetreuung Stadterneuerung:http://www.gbstern.at/ueber-die-gb/taetigkeitsbereiche/lokale-wirtschaft/, 30.05.2015.
Lever, W.F. 2011. The Post-Fordist City. In: Ronan Paddison (ed.): Handbook of Urban Studies. London: Sage: 273-283.
Ludwig, M., 2013: GB-Folder. http://www.gbstern.at/fileadmin/user_upload/Stadterneuerung/Mediathek/Downloads/gbfolder_allg_2013_EN_web.pdf, 28.4.2015.
Sewell, M. (2008). The use of qualitative interviews in evaluation. Tucson
Smith, Neil. / Williams Peter. 1986. Alternatives to Orthodoxy: Invitation to a Debate. Reprinted in: Lees, Loretta/ Slater, Tom/ Wyly, Elvin (eds.). 2010. The Gentrification Reader. London: Routledge: 9-11.